1 25 6 https://www.marywadefamily.org/files/original/1aef18e6c13b4350b67bc692d55d639e.jpg 00001f57f02a764bb099ccdcbf2f990e Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. Width 1996 Height 2576 Bit Depth 8 Channels 3 IPTC String byline: copyright_notice: IPTC Array a:2:{s:6:"byline";s:32:" ";s:16:"copyright_notice";s:54:" ";} Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade To Us 1986 Subject The topic of the resource Mary Wade to Us (book) Description An account of the resource Items relating to the original book <em>Mary Wade to Us</em> published in 1986 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples of still images are: paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type "text" to images of textual materials. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Photograph of painting Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lady Juliana - painting by Shirley Webb Description An account of the resource Shirley Webb painted the Lady Juliana for the cover of 'Mary Wade to Us'. Shirley was a member of the original committee that created and published 'Mary Wade to Us', and is descended from Edward Harrigan. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Webb, Shirley Subject The topic of the resource Mary Wade to Us (book) https://www.marywadefamily.org/files/original/page-1_8b10f788d0.pdf 8a71eda49c74a873ab8e7b7bdb14a557 https://www.marywadefamily.org/files/original/page-2_a056d05ee6.pdf 46967ad847ad20d37bc02c7c4e02fd8e https://www.marywadefamily.org/files/original/page3_e587341d92.pdf a491a5fbca9e5f6bf7b4cdca502697d0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade To Us 1986 Subject The topic of the resource Mary Wade to Us (book) Description An account of the resource Items relating to the original book <em>Mary Wade to Us</em> published in 1986 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Text Any textual data included in the document. When Mary Wade was born in London in the late seventeen seventies none would have envisaged that this babe would become the founding mother of a large family group which, today counts Mary’s living descendants in thousands. This child was sentenced to death at the Old Bailey when ten years old, and thereby hangs our tale. To really appreciate the story of Mary Wade we need to let our minds travel back through time for more than two hundred years, so we can place her story in its rightful context, and judge her world by the standards of that world, and not by the standards of 1985. Into what sort of world was Mary born? European settlement had taken place in the New World of the Americas, and a trade route around the Cape of Good Hope to India and the East Indies were being used by European ships. Ships had been round Cape Horn. The Indian and Pacific Oceans were known, but a large land mass, now called Australia, was not on the map. The idea of a Great South Land was discussed, but, although early navigators touched at places on the Western Australian Coast, the existence of a large land mass was still unproven. Dutch, Portugese, and French sent expeditions to the South Seas hoping for substantial results. The names Dirk Hartog, Torres, Van Dieman, Tasman and others are found on modern maps, but it was the great English navigator, James Cook, who really put Australia on the world map, although the name Australia came later. The various European countries were fighting among themselves, East Indies trade was very important to Britain, and a Great South Land in the wrong hands could materially alter things. James Cook left Plymouth 25.5.1768, ostensibly on a scientific visit to Tahiti to observe the transit of Venus. He sailed in His Majesty’s Barque, Endeavour, with a naval crew. On board also were a good astronomer, Green, two naturalists, D.C. Solander and Joseph Banks, and sundry servants. Cook carried sealed orders from the Admiralty, not to be opened till his scientific mission was completed. These orders were to look for the Great South Land. After leaving New Zealand in March, 1770, the east coast of the continent was sighted 28.4.1770 at Point Hicks (now called Cape Everard). Subsequently Cook sailed north, charting the east coast of the land mass. He spent some time in Botany Bay, so named because of the great variety of new plants found by Solander and Banks. Observations of birds and other animals and of the aborigines were also recorded. Later on, because of this time spent collecting specimens, Banks became accepted as an authority on the new land. Cook continued northward up the coast, noting the entrance of Port Jackson, but not entering the harbour. On this northward voyage the Endeavour struck the Great Barrier Reef, was beached at Endeavour River, where Cooktown now stands, for repairs, then sailed on to Batavia, and via the Cape of Good Hope to England. On 22.8.1770, Cook claimed the whole of the east coast of the continent from Point Hicks to Cape York for Britain, under the name of New South Wales. The name Australia was not yet used. Other relevant factors influencing Mary’s world at this time were the Industrial Revolution and changes in land usage in Britain in the eighteenth century. The Industrial Revolution led to the development of factories for the mass production of goods, and this spelt the death knell on the cottage industries. The sale of home produced goods almost ceased, and these sales had provided that little extra income for a poor family which made very hard lives just a little easier. Sundry Enclosure Acts were passed, the net result of which was that farms became much larger, and ownership was concentrated in fewer hands. There was an increase in food production, but on the debit side, many small tenant farmers and farm labourers lost their “ancient and traditional right” to some form of land usage. These factors produced a large body of unemployed, many of whom went to larger centres seeking work, and were often unable to cope with their new life-style. Even if work was found, wages were low and the hours long. If these people did not find work they had two alternatives, starve or steal, and the jails soon overflowed. English society at this stage was clearly divided into the upper class who owned everything, and the lower classes who were utterly dependent on the upper class for employment, essential to their survival. The will to live is strong in all of us, and many turned to crime to survive. The police system of the time was inadequate, and the government used severe punishment for convicted persons as a deterrent. As a result, we find that about 200 crimes were punishable by death. These crimes ranged from treason, murder, and arson, down to picking pockets of more than one shilling. Many people caught were not convicted, as there were no police prosecutors. Even so, in the decade 1780 to 1790 more than 50 persons a year were executed (by hanging) and many more had their sentences changed to transportation overseas for life. Up to the time when the British colonists in North America declared their independence from Britain, many convicts were sent to America, but after 1776, this dumping of convicts ceased. Early in the 18th Century, a curious system of convict dumping prevailed. In 1717 a Transportation Act was passed which allowed the removal of prisoners overseas. The Government assigned the right to a prisoner’s labour, for the term of his sentence, to an agent, who then became wholly responsible for the prisoner. These agents were often ship’s masters, who transported these convicts to America, and sold them to planters as labourers. However, by 1774, this system was not emptying the jails fast enough, and an Act was passed which enabled the establishment of a penal colony on a suitable site. Thereafter any convict could be marked for transportation. Old unserviceable ships were moored in the Thames and in various ports. These old ships were stripped down and used as detention centres. The convicts were kept in them and required to work as labourers nearby, often in chains. Conditions in these old hulks were bad, and disease among the convicts was rife. There was another group of people needing help. These were the people who had remained loyal to Britain during the War of American Independence, and were no longer acceptable in North America. In the seventeen eighties, William Pitt and his government were more concerned with saving their Empire than with emptying the jails. When the war with France ended in 1783, Britain had gained Canada, but had already lost her North American colonies, the loss of which had far reaching consequences. Pitt appointed Thomas Townsend, Viscount Sydney, as Secretary of State, and his duties included finding a place to dump convicts. Several places on the African Coast, Canada, and New Zealand were considered, and rejected. An American loyalist, Matra, in 1783 suggested the east coast of the newly-discovered continent as a suitable site, and Joseph Banks supported the idea. Britain as a maritime nation needed a good navy, and for this suitable timber was needed. An earlier report by Cook, who discovered Norfolk Island in 1774, suggested that Norfolk Island pines could supply timber for masts and spars, and the flax growing abundantly on the island could be the raw material for ropes and canvas sails. It was also realised that a naval base in this area might well be an advantage. From 1784, the idea of a penal settlement on the east coast of New South Wales was considered. Convicted prisoners marked for transportation to Botany Bay were sent to the hulks, and used as labourers till their transport could be arranged. In the King’s speech at the opening of Parliament in 1787, plans were announced for founding a penal colony in New South Wales. A naval man, Captain Arthur Phillip, was appointed to lead this expedition to an unknown land, 12,000 miles away, and to found a settlement there. Nothing was known of the physical nature of the new land, or of its climate, rainfall, etc. Phillip’s task was indeed formidable. The First Fleet was assembled. It consisted of eleven ships, two of which were warships, H.M.S. Sirius of 520 tons and the Supply, an armed tender of 170 tons. The remaining nine ships were chartered merchant ships, six of which were to be convict transports, and three to carry stores. Provisioning this fleet for the voyage and the first year or so at Botany Bay was a mammoth task. Several government departments were involved. Ration scales were laid down, and minimum requirements for accommodation of convicts were stated, but these regulations were often disregarded. Convicts came from overcrowded hulks and jails where disease was prevalent. Medical inspections prior to embarkation were often cursory; so many convicts boarded transports weak or ill and quite unfit for a long and uncomfortable voyage. This First Fleet finally left Plymouth 13.5.1787, and after an eight month voyage arrived at Botany Bay between 18th and 20th January, 1788. It transferred to Sydney Cove in Port Jackson on 26th January, 1788, and on 7th February, 1788, Phillip proclaimed the Colony of New South Wales, and became the first Governor. Phillip’s support should have come from his officers, but these were mostly military men with ideas of their own importance, and Phillip was a naval man. The officers would guard convicts, but would not accept as a duty the supervision of convict labour, Phillip had, therefore, to appoint many supervisors from convict ranks, and this often caused trouble. The soil round Sydney is poor, tools to prepare the ground were inadequate, and methods on cultivation suitable in England failed at Sydney Cove. Very little livestock came with the first fleet, and soon these animals escaped to the bush and were lost. Time passed, tents and huts were erected, and some order was achieved. At first, the full ration laid down was issued, but it was soon realised that the little colony was dependent on food supplies from elsewhere. As time passed the ration was cut, and cut again. After two years, the ration was reduced to one third of the full ration. Men grew weaker and the hours of labour were reduced of necessity. In fact, the little colony was facing starvation, and still no more store ships had arrived from Britain. As well as establishing a colony on the mainland, Phillip had been instructed to colonise Norfolk Island as soon as possible, to prevent any other nation taking over. Norfolk Island was discovered by Cook in 1774, who reported good pine trees and plenty of flax on the Island capable of supplying masts, spars, rope, and canvas for the navy. The Island lies just over 1000 miles from Sydney in a generally north easterly direction, and about 660 miles from Auckland. It is roughly elliptical in shape, five miles long and three miles across, with an area of approximately thirteen square miles. It has a precipitous coastline with no natural harbour, and an average elevation of 350 feet. There are two main peaks, Mount Banks (1048 ft) and Mount Pitt (1038 ft). When discovered the island was uninhabited and densely forested. On 14th February, 1788, the Supply, commanded by Lieut. Ball, took Lieut. Phillip Gidley King to Norfolk Island, together with a petty officer, a surgeon’s mate, two marines, two men who knew about flax, nine male and six female convicts. This small and carefully chosen group was to establish a settlement on the island. They were supplied with rations and seed to start food production. The Supply arrived off the Island on 29th February. A shore party was landed by a small boat to examine the Island. Lack of suitable landing places prevented the main party from landing till 6th March. People and goods were put into a small boat and rowed ashore. A storehouse for their rations and shelter for the people were quickly organised. Some land was soon cleared, seeds were planted, and results came fast. The soil is very fertile, and rainfall and temperature are suitable for plant growth. King’s first estimate was that the colony would be self-supporting within four years. For the first year, life was not as hard on Norfolk Island as it was on the mainland. The great drawback was lack of good landing places. As the food position on the mainland deteriorated, Phillip sent more convicts to Norfolk Island to relieve distress on the mainland. However, a drought occurred on the Island and conditions there deteriorated. Also, pests showed up. Blight and caterpillars ruined the crops, and a hurricane on 26.2.1789 caused a lot of damage and food producing gardens were destroyed. After two years, Phillip decided to send King to England, to report on the colonies, and Major Robert Ross was appointed to relieve King as Controller on Norfolk Island. Ross left Sydney on H.M.S. Sirius on 5.3.1790. The crossing to Norfolk was stormy, and landing was hazardous, and before the cargo was landed the Sirius was wrecked, but the crew was saved. Now, not only were there extra convicts on the Island, but also the crew of the wrecked ship; thus population increased without extra stores. King returned to the mainland aboard the Supply, which had accompanied the Sirius, and Ross assumed control at once. He recognised the seriousness of the position and proclaimed a reduced ration immediately. Things were grim on the mainland and on the Island. While Phillip and his First Fleeters faced hardship, isolation, and hunger, life went on in London as before. Crime was rampant, and jails filled more rapidly than transportation could empty them. Mary Wade was eleven years old when she fell foul of the law. The transcript of her trial speaks for itself. See section on ‘The Trial of Mary Wade’ Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Mary Wade to us : a family history, 1778-1986. Mary Wade History Association, Cromer, N.S.W, 1986. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade - The Life and Times of Description An account of the resource A detailed and informative essay describing the world Mary Wade was born into, and the background behind the First Fleet, contributed by Marjorie Morrow, a great, great granddaughter of Mary Wade. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Marjorie Morrow Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Published in 'Mary Wade to Us' Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade To Us 1986 Subject The topic of the resource Mary Wade to Us (book) Description An account of the resource Items relating to the original book <em>Mary Wade to Us</em> published in 1986 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Text Any textual data included in the document. Mary Wade’s eldest child, Sarah Wade, was born at the Mount Pitt Settlement, Norfolk Island, on 22nd September, 1793 Mary, at the time of Sarah’s birth, being not quite sixteen years of age. Nothing more is known of Sarah until her marriage to William Ray in 1808, unless a slightly doubtful story of her swimming South Creek, Windsor, in what was probably the 1806 flood, is accepted. They were married in Parramatta, Parish of St. John’s, on the 4th April, 1808, by Captain Anthony Fenn Kemp, Magistrate. She was fourteen and William, a former convict transported on the Albermarle in 1791, about thirty two years of age. it must be noted here that Captain Kemp of the N.S.W. Corps, was one of the three magistrates appointed by the Interregnum Government of Lt. Colonel Paterson and Captain Macarthur and this fact has considerable bearing on Sarah’s later actions. The two eldest children were probably born near Windsor as there is evidence of the family’s residence there in the form of a Promissory Note, dated 1810, signed by William concerning the supply of grain to the local Government Store, but by 1813 they had moved to the vicinity of Campbelltown and in 1816 William received a grant of sixty acres of land near the BowBowing Creek, on the Sydney approaches to Campbelltown, District of Airds. There they first farmed and then opened an inn, known as ‘The Plough’, to help support their farming activities there having been a widespread drought in the colony during 181619 with a total crop failure in 1818, and, with permanent water and a road frontage, what could have been more practical? By 1822 their economic position had improved and they had a horse, twelve pigs and crops of wheat, barley and potatoes. The existence of the horse may indicate that they actually had a plough. The marriage seems to have broken down in 1822/23 when Sarah removed herself and the four younger children to the next door farm of Nathaniel Boon who had arrived in the colony aboard the Admiral Gambier in 1811. Seven children were born of this union, including triplets much to the surprise of the colony. In 1831 Sarah married Boon, although Ray was still alive. This was now possible as Governor Macquarie had been instructed by the Home Government to cancel all contracts entered into under the Interregnum Government instituted after the overthrow of Governor Bligh by the Rum Corps. Consequently, in strictly legal terms Sarah was no longer the wife of William Ray. There is no clear evidence that Sarah appreciated the significance of the above. It is rather more likely that Boon’s increasing prosperity brought a realisation of the desirability of having a legal heir. It was only on the fourth application to marry that the necessary permission was obtained, and the marriage took place at St. John’s Parramatta, conducted by the Rev. Samuel Marsden in 1831. Two more children were born thereafter, the boy Daniel becoming Nathaniel’s legal heir. In the meantime, what appears to be a most amicable relationship existed between the two families. In 1825 the three middle children were back living with William and in 1826 he sold the Inn and seven acres to Nathaniel, at the same time disposing of an adjoining twenty five acres to James Ryan, thought to be a front for Nathaniel, the latter undoubtedly becoming owner. William Ray and William jnr then moved over the hill to farm the remainder of the grant. Sometime after 1826, probably in consequence of the 1825 law requiring inns to furnish accommodation, Boon erected a fine two storey house next to the humble ‘Plough’, the whole being renamed ‘The Three Brothers’ in 1830 (thus commemorating the birth of the triplets Nicholas, Jonathan and James). It was to this inn, still named ‘The Plough’ that John Farley ran with his tale of seeing Fisher’s Ghost. Sarah may well have managed the accommodation side of the business, perhaps aided by her daughters, both before and certainly after Nathaniel’s death in 1839, whilst residing in the Boon farmhouse with her increasing brood of children. William Ray had predeceased Nathaniel by four years and Sarah was left with two families on her hands, albeit one grown. In 1846 she leased the Inn to William Ray jnr on behalf of the twelve year old Daniel Boon and, at some date between then and 1869 it was sold to John Jenkins, husband of her daughter, Maria Ray. In 1860 she acquired Daniel’s inherited thirty three acres and in 1875 sold it to William jnr for an annuity of five pounds per annum. Around this time she retired to her grandfather’s home at Picton and died there in 1887, being remembered as Grannie Boon who smoked a clay pipe. Sarah and William had five children; Mary, Sophia William jnr, John and Maria. Mary the eldest child, died at the age of twenty-eight in 1837. When thirteen years of age she went to work in the home of the local magistrate, William Howe. When seventeen she had a son, Edward, fathered by Mr. Howe’s son, John. A second son, George Henry, arrived some three years later. An application for Mary to marry Amos crisp of Saffron, Lower Minto, was made about this time, but nothing came of it. Mary’s two sons did well despite their inauspicious beginnings. Edward worked with his uncle William Ray, and great-uncle Henry Angel on Uardry station before moving to Hay where he became the licencee of the Farmer’s Home Hotel. He died as a result of a driving accident. It appears that Mary Ray remained in Campbelltown till her death in 1837. Sophia, the second Ray child, also entered service in the Howe household when only ten years old in 1822. In 1830, aged eighteen, Sophia was married to Thomas Rudd jnr, aged twenty four, at St. Peter’s, Campbelitown. The couple lived for a time on a farm at Airds, a gift from Thomas Rudd Snr. who had arrived in the colony on the ship Cornwallis in 1796. Some years later they left the district and settled on a property, ‘Tenandra’, near Gundagai, not far from ‘Nangus’, the home of Sophia’s younger sister Maria who had married John Jenkins. Sophia and Thomas Rudd had ten children, nine girls and one son. Nothing further is known of the son. Their eldest daughter, Ann Mary (or Maria) married Robert Higgins who pioneered ‘Ulonga’ near Hay and later ran the Australian Family Hotel in Wagga Wagga. This marriage made Ann Mary a sisterinlaw of her uncle John Ray, and aunt to her first cousins, which must have been a source of amusement as well as confusion. She was long remembered on the Murrumbidgee for her unselfish kindness. Another of Sophia’s daughters, Amelia Emily, married her first cousin, William Henry Jenkins, second son of Maria Ray and John Jenkins of the ‘Nangus’ property near Gundagai. This Catholic ceremony took place on the 3rd February, 1867 at ‘Nangus’. It was conducted by James Foley, a priest from Tumut. William’s occupation was given as farmer, living on ‘Nangus’. After a stint of mining at Upper Tumbarumba, where their first child, Albert Edward, was born on the 28th September, 1867 they returned to ‘Nangus’ prior to 1880 with seven children, one other child having died in infancy. The family ‘squatted’ at Billabong Creek near ‘Nangus’ and remained there for several years. Ten more children were born, making eighteen in all. In January, 1902 a big bushfire was disastrous for them. In a letter to his aunt dated the 2nd January, 1902, W.]. McKinney o ‘Nangus’ station wrote: Billabong Jenkins has lost fencing, all his wheat, all his grass, and a lot of sheep and horses Old Jenkins went to bed and cried all day. . . James Beveridge bought all the land in and around Billabong Creek from the Crown on the 12th November, 1904, and settled his newly married son onto Billabong, making it necessary for William Henry Jenkins and his large family to move. William and some of his family remained in the area. He died in Junee Cottage Hospital on the 23rd October, 1923 and is buried in the Church of England Cemetery, Nangus. No headstone marks his grave. His wife, Amelia, died on the 4th November, 1927. Later generations of the Jenkins group are well spread through the Riverina, at Broken Hill and in South Australia. Sarah’s third child, William Ray Jnr was twenty one when his father died in 1835 and he inherited the residue of the original sixty acre grant. He married in 1841 and in 1846, perhaps to help weather the recession and drought of the 1840’s, he leased ‘The Three Brothers’ from his mother. Eight years later he embarked on a series of purchases, first having sold his farm to his younger brother, John, in 1854. In 1855 he bought the seventy five acre Brooker’s Farm from his uncle. William Brooker. In the same year he purchased the five hundred acre Mount Pleasant Estate on the Camden Road from his brother-in-law, John Jenkins of Gundagai, and also, date unknown, bought up a fifty acre block in the same area between the Glebe lands and Thosby’s. After fifteen years things were not going so well and he became insolvent in 1869, with the Australian Joint Stock Bank seizing the smaller acreage and selling up Mount Pleasant for half its value. However, the Inn remained, as John Jenkins was still the actual owner, a proposed sale (providentially for William) not having been completed. By 1875 he had recovered sufficiently to buy the thirty three Boon acres from his mother it was a long term arrangement, the terms being an annuity for life for Sarah which then passed to his half-brother, Thomas Boon, at Gundagai. He also owned ‘Barmedman’ station on the Lachlan. River. He then, at long last, acquired the elusive Inn. John Jenkins had conveyed it to his son John Francis in 1875 and he in turn, conveyed it back to his Uncle William in 1877. The last mention of William in Campbelltown is a Directory listing for 18812, his residence being ‘Borobine House’ a fine name for an old Inn. He sold it in 1884 to Hon. John Davis C. M. C. The house and the old ‘Plough Inn’ beside it still stand, and carry a National Trust listing. The house is presently named ‘Holly Lea’ and is in use as a private residence. William died in 1885 at the residence of his son, George Robert, in Marrickville. The fourth child of William and Sarah Ray was John Ray, born in 1817 at Campbelitown. Not a great deal is known about him. In 1842 he married Hannah Higgins of Rosemont Farm, Campbelltown, at St. John’s Church. It would appear most of their children were born in the Riverina. In 1854 John negotiated the purchase of land (about twelve hundred acres in all) from the Antills, and in 1856 he bought more land from Welsh and Thacker at Picton. As well, in 1854, he bought his brother William’s farm at Campbelltown. He later acquired a hotel (Ray’s Picton Inn) and in 1858 a butchering business this latter purchase being a fairly common practice with stockholders near towns. John died an untimely death from consumption in 1859, leaving Hannah with eight children under sixteen years of age and a commensurate amount of property with which to cope. The eldest son Robert, inherited an entailed five hundred acres but, after gaining experience on relatives’ properties, ventured north to Queensland where he took up Cardowan Station, a cattle property about sixty miles south of Mackay, first in partnership with one of the Hayes of Gundagai and then as sole owner. He was an expert cattleman and a fine judge of horses (a silver tea and coffee service testifies to this). He married his first cousin Maria Jenkins of ‘Nangus’, Gundagai in 1869 and they travelled to Queensland by horse and buggy despite the existence, by that time, of a more comfortable steamer service. The St. Lawrence area was wild country but in spite of several threatening encounters with Myall blacks his relationship with the local aborigines always remained friendly perhaps they thought more kindly of him when he rescued a little black girl suffering from a badly broken leg. Robert died in 1898 (buried in what is now the front lawn of the new homestead) leaving the property entailed to his eldest son, Waiter, who promptly sold it to John Shannon of neighbouring Saltbrush Park. He then bought ‘Mulambin’, near Yeppoon which is still owned by his children. He disposed of his father’s five hundred acres in Picton in 1903. Of Robert’s other children: Francis Robert, after working on various cattle runs in Western Queensland, bought a pineapple farm, also at Yeppoon and, in turn, his son, jack, became a cane farmer near Mackay. The second son, having suffered sunstroke, remained with his father; Sydney also worked with cattle out west both before and after his stint in the Great War and was, at one time, contract mailman on the Mackay Clermont route. He died, unmarried, in 1935 of cancer thought to be a result of his war service in France; Arnold gravitated to Cunnamulla where he owned the openair cinema and the Blue Bird Cafe. Nothing is known of his two sons; Eleanor and May, educated at St. Paul’s School, Rockhampton, came to Sydney and took up nursing, training at the Women’s Hospital, Crown Street, In 1929 Eleanor was married to Martin Rowland Shannon, Olive Downs, Nebo, Queensland. He was a barrister at law, being the second son of the same John Shannon who had purchased Cardowan Station thirty four years earlier. Amy died, unmarried, in Salzburg, Austria, in 1962 whilst travelling to Switzerland. The second son of John Ray and Hannah Higgins was another John Ray. He inherited three hundred acres (part of ‘Wellington Park’, so named by the original grantee. Dr. Elyard, who had served with the Duke of Wellington during the Napoleonic Wars). He carried on farming and the butchering business for a few years and then moved to the Murrumbidgee where he took up part of ‘Arajoel’ on Old Man’s Creek, east of Narrandera. He married Annie Toland, daughter of Scottish settlers, in 1865 and several of his family of fourteen were born there. Next, date and reason unkown (the drought of 1869 perhaps), he left this property and took up farming in the vicinity of Junee. Again on an unspecified date (though probably in the 1870’s as a road building program had been initiated in 1869 by the Commissioner for Roads at a rate of fifty pounds per mile) John contracted to build a stretch of road near Picton. His dutiful wife accompanied him in a tent home. The placement of this tent became a matter of care after once being pitched, on apparently sound ground, only to have the horsehair sofa subside suddenly into a defunct rabbit warren. Bushrangers were also a hazard, and John arrived home one night just in time to retrieve the spare horse team from their rapacity Annie’s caution kept their money in a calico bag inside her corsets. In 1907 John suffered a heart attack while out shooting on ‘Wantabadgery’ and his body was railed to Picton for burial. George, the third son, who was nine years old when his father died, does not appear to have had the urge to go bush but remained with Hannah, occupied in the running of ‘Ray’s Picton Inn’ from 1867 to 1877 he is Directory listed as co-owner and then sole proprietor but it was, in fact, a family trust and his mother’s means of livelihood. In 1877 the Inn was disposed of to the Commercial Bank (thereafter becoming the Commercial Hotel) and George thenceforward devoted himself completely to farming at ‘Wellington Park’, (his inherited portion being four hundred acres). In the ensuing years he built up a prosperous dairying business and bred one of the finest Guernsey herds in the state. In 1822 he married Amy Hilder and from this marriage stemmed the Ray Bros. (George, John and Thomas) breeders of blue ribbon dairy cattle. On Amy’s death his unmarried sister Caroline took charge of house and children until he remarried. ‘Wellington Park’ is still run by the family and it was here that was housed the earliest known authenticated picture of any of Mary Wade’s children an oil painting of Sarah. Daniel, the youngest son, despite openings offering into the hotel business and the land, joined the railways Picton in the 1860/70’s was the centre of the new Southern line and, no doubt, the new technology was more attractive than the traditional occupations. Even so he loved the land and frequently visited his relatives thereon for the shooting he had become a crack shot and often joined exhibitions of trap shooting, live birds, not clay pigeons, being in the trap. Daniel owned an extremely fine Cashmore gun which is now in the possession of a great grandson. Another sport in which he excelled was cricket and he played for the Picton Cricket Club for many years, being a fine batsman. His nature was affectionate and gentle and he enjoyed taking his grandchildren and nephews around with him in his various pursuits. He married Sarah Reid, daughter of an Irish family of Menangle. They had five children and in his retirement lived in Picton Cottage, Regent Street, Summer Hill, where he died in 1932. Maria, the youngest but the longest lived of the Ray children, was brought up in the Boon household, the increasing prosperity of which probably enabled her to go to the Rev. Reddall’s parochial school for she signed the register in a fair hand on her marriage day. She was a woman of great strength, both of body and character, for she bore twelve children, mostly in primitive conditions, raising ten to adulthood and was respected for her commanding personality being, as it was, leavened by religious tolerance and a generous charity. It is to be hoped she also had a sense of humour. in 1841, in St. Peter’s Campbelltown, Maria was married to John Jenkins (who had arrived free aboard the Grenada in 1826) who, with his brother Francis, had taken up the runs of ‘Buckingbong’ and ‘Gillenbah’ near Narrandera on the Murrumbidgee, in 1832. Family history has it that she rode the entire distance to her new home, thus escaping the weary jolting of a dray. The Jenkinses survived the drought and depression of the 1840’s to make a fortune running sheep and cattle to feed the hungry Victorian goldfields of the fifties. This was the period that saw the rise of the bushranger and one story tells of Maria sewing sovereigns into her little daughter’s petticoats in case of a holdup. As she made regular trips to Campbelltown, it must have been a most necessary precaution. In the mid1850’s John purchased ‘Nangus’ at Gundagai (a property of fifty seven thousand acres) from William and Hannibal Macarthur and built an imposing house of Georgian design in which to house their large family. The next forty years were prosperous ones. Whilst John interested himself in flour milling, the steamer trade and winemaking besides his pastoral activities, Maria saw to the laying out and cultivation of a fine garden and to the education of her children, several of whom had outstanding musical ability. Tutors and governesses were not wanting, nor was she behind in the new technology in a time when all clothes were laboriously hand sewn she boasted the ownership of the first sewing machine on the River. Meanwhile the children began to marry: John Francis to Kate Fennel] of Wagga Wagga, daughter of an Irish political exile, settled on Wonbobby, Tumbalong; Charlotte to (1) William Hayes, also an Irishman, member of the Wagga Wagga flour milling family and (2) to Hamilton Stanley; William Henry to Amelia Rudd, cousin, settling on ‘Billabong’, next to ‘Nangus’; Maria to Robert Ray, cousin, settling on ‘Cardowan’ near Mackay, Queensland; Sarah to Daniel Fennel], brother to Kate, farmer, stock and station agent and horseman “extraordinaire; Frank to Sophia Cazelly; Eliza to George Mair, a farmer and auctioneer; and Mary Jane (Minnie) to Andrew Steel Beveridge, son of Scottish settlers, sheep farmer on ‘Mullah’, Trangie. The Australian Joint Stock Bank failure of the 1890’s caught John and they retired to ‘Buckingbong’, where he died at the turn of the century. Maria, after her brother-inlaw’s death and the sale of ‘Buckingbong’, went to live with her youngest daughter, Mrs. Steel Beveridge, in her new Sydney home ‘Blairgowrie’, Epping, and there she died, almost one hundred and two years of age. It is amazing to reflect that she lived from a time when there was barely a plough in the colony to times when aeroplanes and motor cars were almost commonplace and Australian women had the vote, of which latter right she was very proud it is tragic to know she wrote her memoirs and they were destroyed by fire. The information on Sarah’s Boon children is, at present, very limited. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Mary Wade to us : a family history, 1778-1986. Mary Wade History Association, Cromer, N.S.W, 1986. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade Descendants through her daughter, Sarah Subject The topic of the resource Sarah Wade Description An account of the resource The story of Mary's descendants through her daughter Sarah. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Mary Wade History Association (Editorial Committee) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Norma Campbell; Ruth Hennessy; Rosemary Phillips Language A language of the resource en-au Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Mary Wade to us : a family history, 1778-1986. Mary Wade History Association, Cromer, N.S.W, 1986. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade To Us 1986 Subject The topic of the resource Mary Wade to Us (book) Description An account of the resource Items relating to the original book <em>Mary Wade to Us</em> published in 1986 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Text Any textual data included in the document. <p><strong>From Emerald and Toowoomba in Queensland, to Melbourne and Ballarat in Victoria, from Moruya and Kangaloon, Dubbo and Lismore.</strong></p> <p>Indeed, they came from everywhere! Over four hundred descendants of pioneer Mary Wade thronged into Campbelltown on Easter Saturday, 21st April.</p> <p>It was in 1789 that ten-year old Mary Wade fell foul of the law and was sentenced at the Old Bailey to be hung.</p> <p>Her crime? Stealing three items of clothing from another chil</p> <p>As things turned out, Mary Wade was transported to the colony of New South Wales, living first on Norfolk Island, then old Sydney town, the Hawkesbury and the District of Airds.</p> <p>It was fitting that the Muster of Mary's descendants should have taken place at St. Peter’s Parish Centre in Campbelltown, since Mary’s family was associated with that Church for over sixty years.  Organisers Marj Morrow and Norma Campbell arranged extensive displays of old family photos and “family tree” charts.  Miss Morrow addressed the assembled crowd about Mary Wade’s early years in the Colony, recalling the years of famine, and the heartbreaking floods which swept all before them when Mary and her family lived near the Hawkesbury.</p> <p>Mary’s husband, Jonathan Brooker, took up a land grant in the District of Airds in 1809.</p> <p>Their eldest daughter, Sarah, lived on an adjoining property (today known as “Holly Lea”).  Sarah was the mother of thirteen children, including boy triplets. It was a measure of her mothering skills that Sarah’s triplets should have survived and reached adulthood, a rare achievement in those days.</p> <p>Mary and Jonathan’s son, William Brooker, was a carpenter. Until recently, William was best known as having built Fred Fisher’s “Horse and Jockey” inn in Campbelltown.  However, it has recently been discovered that William Brooker had a hand in building old St. John’s Catholic Church. Records are incomplete, but William was involved in the roofing and shingling of the Church.</p> <p>Another of Mary Wade’s daughters married Harry Angel. Harry was a member of the famed Hume &amp; Hovell expedition to Port Phillip in 1824.  Harry took up land in the Murrumbidgee district, as did many other families from the Appin and Campbelltown areas.  He also lived in the Illawarra. A street in Corrimal bears his name.</p> <p>In 1823, a bushfire destroyed Jonathan Brooker’s wheat crop, house, and tools while he was living in the District of Airds.  One can well imagine how distraught Mary Wade must have been, to see the family home burned to the ground.  Not surprisingly, they moved from Airds to the Illawarra. Sons John and James Brooker likewise took up land in the Tarrawanna/Bellambi area.</p> <p>A distinctive feature of the Illawarra range is known as Broker’s Nose named after this pioneering family.  Edward Harrigan, Mary’s son by another marriage, also moved there.</p> <p>Not far from Angel Street, you will find Brooker Street, Harrigan Street, and Harrigan Park, so the names of Mary’s children are well imprinted on the Illawarra map.</p> <p>When Jonathan Brooker died in 1833, his body was returned to Campbelltown for burial. The carved headstone in St. Peter’s cemetery still stands today, a reminder of one of Campbelltown’s earliest pioneering families.</p> <p>Mary Wade lived until 1859, when an obituary published in the “Illawarra Mercury” saluted her as mother of one of the “largest families in the world.”  Today Mary’s descendants probably number tens of thousands.</p> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade Muster Description An account of the resource An extract from The Crier in Campbelltown relating to the 1984 Muster of Mary Wade's descendants. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Verlie Fowler Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Reproduced in 'Mary Wade to Us' Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Crier (Campbelltown) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2 May 1984 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Verlie Fowler and the Proprietor of The Crier (Campbelltown) Language A language of the resource en-au Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article https://www.marywadefamily.org/files/original/marywadetous-cover_024ae8189e.jpg 962976cb4fc14cdb0ae6937c33b8e3ca Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. Bit Depth 8 Channels 3 Height 360 Width 257 https://www.marywadefamily.org/files/original/1f4451a3a7c0fd42c6710e693148bbd5.pdf 349d40b00d1ec1b08bc0f749fa55d338 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade To Us 1986 Subject The topic of the resource Mary Wade to Us (book) Description An account of the resource Items relating to the original book <em>Mary Wade to Us</em> published in 1986 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade To Us Description An account of the resource <p>In 1986, the original Mary Wade History Association, after years of research, published a most important book for the descendants of Mary Wade. This book, 'Mary Wade to Us: A Family History 1778 - 1986' contains a wealth of information about Mary Wade and her descendants, including family trees, stories and photos.<br /><br />You can read or download the book using the viewer below. The file is large and may take some time to download.</p> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mary Wade History Association Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Macarthur Press, Parramatta, NSW Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 22cm x 29cm; 245p; hardcover Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Wade To Us 1986 Subject The topic of the resource Mary Wade to Us (book) Description An account of the resource Items relating to the original book <em>Mary Wade to Us</em> published in 1986 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Text Any textual data included in the document. I know nothing of what Mary looked like, but that ten-year old girl was a survivor. Both physically and mentally she must have been strong to live through all the horrors she surmounted. With a death sentence on her head, and separated from her family, she was taken to Newgate Prison. Instructions to the prison officers were that she was to be hanged by the neck till she is dead. On arrival at Newgate the usual practice was a tepid bath, prison clothes and all the hair cut off. Mary escaped the final indignity of a public hanging. On 17.4.1789 George The Third respited her death sentence on condition she be transported for and during the term of her natural life to the Eastern Coast of New South Wales or some island adjoining. Ninety-three days elapsed between her death sentence and its respite, and ninety-three days in daily expectation of hanging would not be pleasant under any circumstances. Having survived so far, Mary was next put aboard the 'Lady Juliana', a ship lying in the Thames, a ship on which Mary spent almost a year. The ship was one of the vessels comprising the Second Fleet. Whenever the Government decided to assemble a fleet of vessels to transport convicts overseas they called tenders for this service, stipulating requirements the tenderer must meet. However, once the tender was accepted it was difficult to ensure that all requirements were observed. Consequently, transportees were often at the mercy of the ship’s masters and their officers. Contracts varied considerably. In some cases payment was according to the number of convicts embarked, and this did nothing to encourage a healthy voyage, whereas when payment was based on the number landed at the end of the voyage more care was given to the human cargo. In the case of the “Lady Juliana” of 401 tons, payment was on a per capita basis for women convicts. The ship itself was chartered at nine shillings and sixpence per registered ton, per month, from the time the ship was chartered, until six weeks after discharge of her cargo in New South Wales. An allowance of forty shillings per head was given for clothing for the voyage. The basic victualling allowance was sixpence a day per convict. Before sailing this was increased to ninepence a day per convict if fresh provisions were served, and was increased to one shilling a day per convict in foreign ports if fresh provisions were used. Also seven shillings a day was paid towards a surgeon’s salary as long as convicts were on the ship. The 'Lady Juliana' was considerably delayed in the Thames after chartering. The British Government only needed the transports and store ships for voyage to Sydney, and often a new charter was arranged for the return voyage. The East India Company agreed to charter the 'Lady Juliana' for the return voyage, provided she could reach Canton by 15.1.1791 in a fit state to load a cargo of tea for Britain. The Master of the 'Lady Juliana' was Captain Aitken, the Surgeon was Richard Alley, who had been a naval surgeon for some years. The agent on board was Edgar, and the Steward was Nicol. By the standards of their day these were reasonable and competent men. Aitken provided himself with some rolls of linen before sailing, and during the voyage several women convicts turned this linen into shirts, which found a ready market on arrival at Port Jackson, making a handsome profit on Aitkin’s original outlay. This would be considered exploitation of prisoners today, but in 1789 was accepted practice. Provisioning the 'Lady Juliana' was supervised. Water had to be carried in casks, and if the casks contained Thames water it became unusable before a ship could reach the Cape of Good Hope. Most vessels called at Teneriffe in the Canary Islands to get good water for the rest of their voyage. No-one was ever sure how long a voyage would last, because ships depended on wind power. In selecting a route, prevailing winds were always taken into account; in the absence of wind ships were often becalmed, and no wind meant no progress. Eventually the 'Lady Juliana' left the Thames and sailed round to Plymouth, where one section of the Second Fleet assembled. This group of ships sailed from Plymouth on 29.7.1789. The 'Lady Juliana' carried 226 female convicts, the youngest of whom was our Mary Wade, no yet eleven years old. From the source material available we can form a fairly detailed picture of life on board this voyage, and as convict transports went, the conditions aboard were good. The voyage was long and slow. Calls were made at Teneriffe for water, and at St. Jago in the Cape Verde Islands for water and pork. After 120 days the 'Lady Juliana' arrived at Rio de Janerio, where it remained for 45 days. It took another 50 days to reach Table Bay (Capetown) on 1.3.1790 where a stay of 19 days was made, and then another 75 days elapsed before arriving at Port Jackson. During this voyage rations were issued in full, and lengthy stays in port ensured fresh food. The ship was kept clean, and the women had free access to the deck. These things combined to ensure that most of the women from Newgate and sundry country jails arrived as a fairly healthy group. Five deaths occurred during the voyage, but compared with the death rate in other vessels of the Second Fleet this was almost negligible. The 'Surprise' had 36 deaths from 256 embarked, and landed 121 sick men. The 'Neptune' had 147 deaths in 424 convicts, and the 'Scarborough' had 73 deaths from 259 embarked. The women convicts aboard the 'Lady Juliana' were a mixed group. A few were elderly and infirm, some were educated, some were illiterate, and there was a child called Mary Wade. Discipline aboard was lax, and according to the Steward, Nicol, most, if not all men aboard selected a mistress from among the convicts for the duration of the voyage. The long slow voyage was not without incident. At Capetown a fire was actually started on deck, but was extinguished in time to avoid tragedy, though panic did develop. On eventual arrival off the Heads of Port Jackson the weather was not good. It was wet and windy with a strong southerly blowing, and this almost blew the ship onto North Head. Only the tide saved her from disaster. The 'Lady Juliana', not really a sound ship, was unable to make her way up the harbour unaided, and was finally assisted up to Sydney Cove on 6.6.1790. The convicts were disembarked on 11.6.1790 as the ship had been declared unfit to take them on to Norfolk Island. However, convict carpenters made repairs to the ship, so that by the end of July the return voyage under charter to the East India Company began. Before we follow Mary any further, let us take another look at the colony in New South Wales, when the 'Lady Juliana' arrived in June, 1790. The First Fleet left Plymouth in May, 1787, and it was now three years since the colonists had left England. No supplies or communications had reached them. Phillip had expected store ships that had not arrived. Food was rapidly running out. Only eight weeks of rations at full strength remained. The ration issue had been cut and recut drastically, till now only one third of the ration was being issued to everyone from the Governor down. Everyone was starving. Men were so weak they could hardly work the shortened hours. The clothes that had come from England three years earlier were in rags, and even sentries at Government House were bare-footed, and over the whole colony gloom was settling. Isolation and loneliness and short rations were now coupled with the almost certain knowledge that the settlement was either forgotten or abandoned by Britain. Weak and half starved as they were, it is easy to imagine the excitement when a ship was sighted bearing into the Harbour. Here, at last, was the long-awaited relief. News of home and something more to eat! What more would you want? News of home, letters and papers the ship did bring, but she was only a convict transport with only enough stores for her own people. But she also brought news of other vessels on their way. Immediate relief was at hand and the ration was increased at once, but everyone was now aware that the survival of the colony was still completely dependent on the arrival of regular food supplies from outside. The small amount of stock that had come with the First Fleet had mostly been lost. The native vegetation did not offer naturally growing food plants. The two warships Sirius and Supply were used continually to help the food situation. The Sirius made voyages to Batavia for food supplies until it was wrecked at Norfolk Island 10.4.1790, and the Supply ferried people and stores from Sydney Cove to Norfolk Island. Mary Wade arrived on 3.6.1790 (landed 6.6.1790) when things were desperate. The 'Lady Juliana' was unfit to continue over to Norfolk Island, so shortly after disembarkation 150 of the younger and healthier women were put aboard the Surprise, and arrived off Norfolk Island 7.8.1790. The Surprise was one of the vessels of the Second Fleet, carrying only male convicts. The death rate during the voyage was very high, and the general conditions aboard were so bad the vessel became known as one of the Hell ships of the Second Fleet. I cannot imagine the trip across to Norfolk Island was pleasant, but the little girl, not yet thirteen years old, made the trip. Landing people or goods on the island was hazardous. When the Surprise was disembarking her convicts, one boat-load of women and stores capsized in the heavy surf. Seven lives were lost, and the boat was smashed to pieces. Mary may have been in that boat. If she was she survived. If she wasn’t, she almost certainly witnessed the accident. So this was Mary’s introduction to Norfolk Island. No special provisions were made for female convicts. Most of them were assigned to non-convict men, ostensibly as house servants, but in most cases as mistresses would be a more accurate description. Gardens for the growing of vegetables were established to help the serious food position that had developed. Women convicts hoed these gardens, and when a plague of caterpillars struck the women were engaged in picking them off the leaves. As the food position in Sydney grew worse Phillip had sent more convicts to Norfolk Island, but after the loss of the Sirius no more supplies reached the island, and the food position grew worse. Major Ross, who had relieved King as Commandant on 13.3.1790, realised how vulnerable the settlement was as regards food, and developed a plan which he hoped would get many convicts self-supporting and not depending on rations. Briefly his plan was as follows:- 1. Each male convict would be allowed one acre of uncultivated ground. 2. Every three convicts would get a sow. 3. Convicts with land would get two free days per week to work their land. 4. After three months their flour ration would be reduced to ¾ ration, and further reduced each three months till March, 1792, when it would cease. 5. The meat ration would cease twelve months after the sow farrowed. Ross reasoned that if a man did not work on his own land he would not eat, as rations would eventually cease. Additional encouragement was held to allotment holders. Any spare pork would be purchased for sixpence a pound, and any poultry at one shilling a bird. From time to time the top producer was given an extra 'holiday' or free day to work on his land. For the privilege of having their own allotment the convict was required to pay rent at the rate of one bushel of Indian Corn per year. Each male convict was encouraged to keep a female convict, and so keep her off rations as well. This female convict was excused public labour, and was free to work in the allotment garden. Pine trees were protected, and clearing by burning was not allowed. Small trees or shrubs cut down were to be cut up for firewood. Bringing their land into cultivation was to be done only after the convicts had fulfilled their labour obligations to the Government. We must remember that Norfolk Island is just a small green dot in the ocean, a long way from Sydney, and in 1790 utterly dependent on ship-bourn stores from Sydney. Sydney was starving, H.M.S. Sirius had been wrecked, and the population of the island much increased. As food was short on the island, theft increased and Ross severely punished any misdemeanours. Although living conditions were better at Norfolk Island than in Sydney, both colonies faced a food crisis. Then out of the blue 'the providential birds’ arrived on the island and were quickly added to the diet. These birds were known by a number of names, shearwaters, petrels and mutton birds. They are migratory birds breeding on the islands off N.S.W., Victoria, South Australia and Tasmania. In 1790 flocks of brown headed petrels arrived at Mount Pitt on Norfolk Island, their traditional breeding ground. The breeding season extends over three to four months, and the birds were quickly added to the food supply by half-starved humans. One official record says 4000 birds were taken in one night, and one estimate is that 200,000 birds were slaughtered for food in less than three months. Incidentally in the succeeding years fewer birds were taken annually, but these birds were exterminated on Norfolk Island within a decade. In recent years a small breeding colony of them has been found on Lord Howe Island. This, then was the position on Norfolk Island when Mary Wade arrived there on 7.8.1790, not yet twelve years old. A supply line with Britain was again in place. Temporarily at least, things were better. Major Ross was still the Commandant. The Norfolk Island records are not complete, and I have not located any listing to whom Mary was assigned. We will now follow the fortunes of two men, Teague Harrigan and Jonathan Brooker, both of whom played an important part in Mary’s life. Toward the end of 1790 the jails and hulks of Britain were again full, and the Third Fleet for Sydney Cove was organised in two divisions. The transports 'Atlantic' of 442 tons, the 'Salamander' of 320 tons and the 'William And Anne' formed the Plymouth Division which sailed from Plymouth 27.3.1791. Jonathan Brooker was aboard the 'Atlantic' and Teague Harrigan was on the 'Salamander'. These ships called at Teneriffe and St Jago in the Cape Verde Islands and thence sailed direct to Sydney. The 'Atlantic' arrived in the Harbour 20.8.1791 after a voyage of 146 days. The 'Salamander' arrived the next day. Both Brooker and Harrigan had sentences of seven years, and both were sent to Norfolk Island. Harrigan arriving there on 4.9.1791 and Brooker a few weeks later on 11.11.1791. Teague Haragan (Harrigan) came originally from Cork, Ireland, and apparently crossed over to England (as many Irish still do) looking for work. Maybe his search was unsuccessful for we find him appearing at the Bristol Quarter Sessions to answer a charge of stealing two coats, value twenty shillings, from the dwelling place of John Proctor Anderson, the previous June. Anderson’s charge and evidence of oath was recorded 18.7.1789 and at his trial on 5.10.1789 Harrigan was found guilty of stealing and convicted 'to be transported to such place as His Majesty shall direct, for the space of seven years'. After conviction, Teague was eventually put aboard the ship 'Salamander', one of 160 male convicts bound for N.S.W. The ship also carried nine months provisions, and on arriving at Sydney Cove was ordered to Norfolk Island with her convicts and cargo. The cargo needed re-organising into casks or bales for landing on the island. Lack of suitable harbourage or wharfs meant all freight, human or otherwise, was transferred to small boats for a hazardous trip to shore through heavy surf. At this stage Major Ross was still in charge and ruling the island with severity. Mary Wade and Teague Harrigan are now on Norfolk Island. We shall leave them there now and return to Sydney, where Jonathan Brooker had arrived on the 'Atlantic' 20.8.1791. Jonathan Brooker came orignally from Kent, although his crimes were committed in London. I find the name Brooker (often spelt Broker in early records) quite interesting. The name is listed as a peculiarly local name in an area of Kent until the great social upheavals of the eighteenth century. The name itself means dwellers near a brook. In England, from very early times, many people were carers of the land as tenant farmers. The name Brooker occurs in the Hundreds Rolls in the thirteenth century. These tenant farmers swore allegiance direct to their sovereign, as well to their overlord, and came to be â 'yeomen of England'. The Hundred was a land division within a shire, and the rolls included the names of tenant farmers on parts of large estates. Jonathan may well have been a victim of the Enclosure Acts, since he went to London in search of work. He was at least twice in trouble with the law. The Process Book of Surrey Quarter Sessions says that on 20.2.1788 he was accused of an assault on Isaac Solomon. He pleaded not guilty, and after trial was acquitted with no prosecution. At this stage he was living at St George (Southwark), and was called a labourer. Some year and a half later, on 5.10.1790, he was charged with the theft of 200 pounds of glue, valued at eight pounds. He was tried, found guilty of felony, and ordered to be transported for seven years. At this time he was described as a chair maker of the Parish of St Mary Magdalene, Bermondsey. As the 'Atlantic' loaded convicts at Woolwich, I expect Jonathan spent the time from his conviction in October, 1790, till March, 1791, on a hulk on the Thames, working as a day labourer (in chains usually) along the river bank. I have not found documentary evidence of his birth date, but calculations made from the dates shown in official documents indicate he was over thirty when he arrived in N.S.W. He was disembarked in Sydney, where he remained for a short time, and eventually went aboard the ship 'Queen' for transfer to Norfolk Island arriving there 11.11.1891.. To digress for a moment, I find it interesting that two men received sentences of seven years for theft, one to the value of twenty shillings, and the other to the value of eight pounds, while a ten-year old girl received originally a death sentence for theft to the value of three shillings and eleven pence. On 3.11.1791 Philip Gidley King returned to Norfolk Island as Governor, immediately replacing Ross. Major Ross was a quarrelsome man. He quarrelled with his staff, and his scale of punishments for convicts was very severe. King was much more humane man and was very welcome. He found the whole population, free or convicted, were restless, and his first task was to settle them down again. He quickly abandoned the Allotment plan, devised by Ross, to get convicts off rations in a relatively short time. Jonathan Brooker arrived on the Island a week after King’s return as governor. We now have our three principals, Mary Wade, Teague Harrigan and Jonathan Brooker, all on Norfolk Island, often referred to as a tropical paradise. King had replaced Ross and life was easier for all. King’s scale of punishments for misdemeanours was less severe than that of Ross, or of Phillip at Sydney Cove. Norfolk Island records are far from complete. Many were lost in a fire which destroyed the Crystal Palace in 1936, and many more may have just been lost, so our story over the next few years is brief, but some recorded events of importance did occur. A record exists which gives the birth of Sarah Wade, a 'convict child' on 27.9.1793. There is no mention of the father’s name. At this stage Mary was not yet sixteen. A second “Wade convict child” appears in 1795, also without a recorded father. There is some evidence to suggest that Jonathan Brooker was the father of both these children, but I do not find it conclusive. Later in the story we will find that Jonathan was either father or step-father of all of Mary’s children. The death certificate of the first child, Sarah Wade, gives Jonathan as the father, but I do not find the evidence of death certificates always accurate. The person concerned never supplied the details, and quite often it is not a member of the immediate family who does, and with out corroborative documentation I do not always accept it. We need also to remember that as time passed most convicts and ex-convicts strove to achieve respectability, and I can well imagine Mary herself making this claim. The second child, William, always appears as William Brooker in later musters, but so does Edward Harrigan appear as Edward Brooker even as late as the 1828 Census. At a later stage, after Jonathan’s death, William inherited Jonathan’s land on the Illawarra. I found Mary’s declaration at the time interesting. She stated that Jonathan was her husband, and that William was her eldest son. She did not say he was Jonathan’s son. William claimed Jonathan as his father. Some time before his twelfth birthday, William became part of Jonathan’s household. Were the terms father and step-father synonymous for him? Another suggestion has been that the appearance of very tall men in succeeding generations points to Jonathan, but this is easily discounted. Harrigan was a very big man, as may have been others on Norfolk Island. We simply do not know for certain. Both Brooker and Harrigan had sentences of seven years, and if the whole sentence was served they would have been free by servitude in 1797. Both men were on rations till the end of 1795, but not afterwards. They must, therefore, have been self-supporting, or working for someone who fed them. While still on Norfolk Island Harrigan received his Certificate of Emancipation from Governor King. He lost this document somewhere along the line, and we find him receiving a replacement certificate from Governor Macquarie 12.9.1812. Kins letters at the Mitchell Library contain a reference to Jonathan Brooker in 1798 he received £4-15-6 from the Government in payment for pork purchased from him, and on the entry Brooker is marked ‘freed by servitude’. I do not know exactly when any of our three principals returned to the mainland. Official papers make statements that so many persons were returned to the mainland, but no lists of names are appended. We do not know, however, they were all back by 1800. The 1800 census shows Mary Wade living with Teague Harrigan in Sydney, and Jonathan Brooker working for Doctor Balmain at Parramatta. A baptismal record at St. Phillips, Sydney, shows Edward Harrigan son of Teague Harrigan and Mary Wade, born 1803 and baptised 1804. A story comes down the Harrigan family that this child was born in a tent on the Tank Stream. Just when Mary joined Jonathan I’m not sure, but we do know they were on the Hawkesbury for a time before going to the Airds district. I have not been able to trace the exact whereabouts on the Hawkesbury. As far as I can ascertain Jonathan had no land in the area. Balmain did have land there, so he may still have been in his employ. Also Jonathan’s skill as a carpenter may have provided work in a developing area. William Ray, who became Jonathan’s son-in-law (step) had land rented at Mulgrave Place in 1808. As children we heard a lot of talk among our elders of Pitt Town, Wilberforce and Windsor, so I expect the Brookers were thereabouts. In fact, the Mutch Index places them in the Windsor district as late as 12.6.1811 when Jonathan received a land order for 60 acres in the newly opened district of Airds. This is an interesting statement, because on 28.11.1809 Surveyor Meehan surveyed land for Jonathan Brooker, William Ray and John Mitton, in a new area, 35 miles south-west of Sydney, an area later named Airds by Governor Macquarie. I think this might be a case where the official paper work was well behind the action. The Hawkesbury had fertile flats but was prone to big floods. In my family group (through Mary and Jonathan’s son John) the legend persists that John’s mother (Mary) was taken across the river for his birth, 24.6.1809 before a big flood. The Hawkesbury floods are well documented and on 1.8.1809 the river had risen to 48 feet, and eight lives were lost. In consequence of this, Windsor and other areas were laid out on higher ground in 1810. John’s death certificate gives his birth place as Windsor. The early Hawkesbury settlers met considerable difficulties before mastering their land (to some extant). Preparing their land for planting with primitive tools was exhausting. Crops could be lost entirely with one flood, and any stock they had was at risk at flood time. Along the river banks today you can still see some of the old two-storey barns where people and stock found shelter on the top floor during floods. Maybe a carpenter called Jonathan Brooker helped to build some of them. It is not surprising that many of the early Hawkesbury settlers sought land elsewhere, as this primitive flood-prone area had many disadvantages. Jonathan Brooker was interested in the Liverpool district, which included the present Campbelltown and Appin areas. The land he was granted at Airds was surveyed in 1809, but when the family moved there I do not know for certain. Neither do I know just when Mary Wade joined Jonathan Brooker, but it was before 1809 as their son John was born 24.6.1809 at Windsor, John was followed by two sisters, Elizabeth born 7.12.1810, Mary born 28.11.1812, and a brother James born 30.5.1814. Before the family could take up residence at Airds there was much to do. The land needed clearing and some sort of shelter was required. The area was originally timbered, and uncleared parts provided shelter for aborigines who were not always friendly. Escaped convicts were another problem, as they would plunder and steal. At the beginning of 1810 Lachlan Macquarie arrived to take over administration of the colony as Governor. He followed Bligh, a naval man, during whose term very considerable difficulties had arisen between the Governor and a militant military faction. Macquarie was the first military man to become Governor, and was accompanied by his own regiment. He was a very able administrator, a man of personal prestige, and one who did not engage in corrupt practices. He was very anxious to rehabilitate those convicts who had served out their terms, and been pardoned, and his policy aimed at achieving this. The policy was not acceptable to everyone in the colony, and so two sharp social divisions developed among the settlers. The names ‘exclusives’ and ‘emancipists’ explain themselves. Earlier in 1804, Governor King (formerly of Norfolk Island) set out the terms governing the assignment of convicts to settlers. The settler had to sign for his assigned convict, and had to feed, clothe and house him for twelve months. The hours of work for each convict were set down at ten hours on weekdays, and six hours on Saturday. Convicts could work for payment in their spare time but the settler had first call on any extra time worked by his assigned servant. Regaining liberty for a convict was achieved in one of four ways. Firstly a ticket-of-exemption allowed a convict to live with a particular person while of good behaviour. Such a convict was excused from Government service. Secondly, a ticket-of-leave exempted from both government and assignment service to work for himself. The government no longer fed, clothed or housed such a person. This was only given to industrious and honest convicts after satisfactorily serving three years of their sentence. Thirdly, conditional and absolute pardons were sometimes given for exceptional service. Fourthly, by expiration of the original sentence, freedom was gained. Jonathan Brooker had really gained his freedom by 1797 on Norfolk Island, where we find ‘free by servitude‘ against his name, but it was not til February, 1811, he received his Certificate of Emancipation, and although Lot 129 at Airds was surveyed in 1809 he did not receive official ownership till 1816, after he had already worked the land for several years. Mary Wade received her Certificate in September, 1812. Just when Jonathan and family were established in Airds I’m not sure, but Jonathan Brooker of Airds subscribed to a fund for building a Court House in Sydney, on the Liverpool subscription list 1.7.1813. While on the Hawkesbury or during the early years at Airds four children were born. Some evidence suggest the first three were born on the Hawkesbury, and the last one at Airds. These four children, John, Elizabeth, Mary and James all have baptismal records at Saint Luke’s Anglican Church, Liverpool, dated 13.4.1819, and the parents are given as Jonathan and Mary Brooker. The baptisms were performed by Rev. John Youl. I find the date interesting. Macquarie founded Liverpool in 1810. Six years later, in 1816, tenders were called for the building of a church designed by Greenway. Various difficulties were encountered during the building, and the church was not finished and opened till 3.12.1819 almost eight months after the recorded baptisms. Clergy in the colony were few, and Rev. Youl moved round the parish visiting settlers. It is possible the Brooker family were visited by Youl, the children were baptised, and the church entry made when Youl was next in Liverpool. No record of marriage between Mary and Jonathan has been found, but in an early community where conditions were hard, and clergy few, a long-standing stable relationship was accepted as such. Jonathan was over thirty when he arrived in the colony, and may well have left a legal wife in England. By the time Jonathan and Mary were on the Hawkesbury, Mary and her first three children had been accepted as Jonathan’s household. One child at least was not Jonathan’s, but Teague Harrigan’s. This child was called Brooker until he applied for land on the Illawarra in his correct name. With the receipt of their Certificates of Emancipation in 1811 and 1812, Jonathan and Mary were officially free people. By the time they were settled in Airds not only were they free, but their sizeable family spoke of stability in their relationship. Jonathan was either father or step-father of all the children, and Mary was their mother, and so it was with Jonathan who brought stability to Mary Wade’s life. Life was very hard for the early settlers at Airds who did not have money and influence on their side. Bush fires, droughts and failed crops were especially hard on them. These early emancipist settlers were allowed thirty acres each, with more added if the settler was supporting women and children. Under the conditions of these free land grants the land could not be sold or alienated for at least five years, and a minimum of fifteen acres of the grant should be under cultivation within five years. The Government reserved the right to run a road through the land at a later date, if such a road became necessary, and any timber the navy needed was reserved. The virgin land was covered with thick bush, and here and there were heavily timbered country. The initial clearing of the grant was done by a convict clearing party, but the settler and his one assigned convict did the rest. The first area completely cleared became the site of the first shelter, usually a simple rough slab hut and round this dwelling a vegetable garden and later an orchard developed. The success of this garden was important as food supply. When animals were acquired, pens and fences were needed. Roughly split wooden rails slipping into openings in wooden fence post were the usual fences. Jonathan Brooker was a carpenter would probably have found cutting the openings in the posts easier than did many others. When a cow was added to the farm we find pigs soon followed. In the Australian summer heat perishable goods like milk, cream and butter quickly deteriorated. Sour milk fed pigs and eventually pork reached the table. If an animal was slaughtered for food, a little was eaten fresh, but the bulk was salted, pickled or smoked. Drought came and the need to provide water for man, beast and garden was a new difficulty for the settlers. By 1815, a severe drought year, the need for well-watered pastures was urgent. Dr. Charles Throsby with a small party of men left Glenfield, in the Liverpool district, and hacked a track to the escarpment of the Illawarra Range, and then cut a track to the coastal land at the foot of the range. Good pasture and water were found. They also found areas of dense rain forest containing cedar, and the cedar getters soon followed. The Airds settlers were kept busy with their crops and their animals. The women looked after the food supply. The garden and orchard were theirs. They hoed and planted and watered. They cared for whatever clothes they had. Theirs too was the business of milking and making butter and cheese. Men and women had little time to spare. They worked from dawn to dusk in order to survive. They had no laid on water, no gas or electricity, and none of the appliances we consider essential today. If they had any light after dark it was either fire light or candles the women of the house had usually made them. I have so far only generally written about the emancipist settlers at Airds. Individually they often had greater difficulties. Jonathan Brooker was over fifty and supporting Mary and six children when they were at Airds. Mary’s first child, Sarah, had married William Rae in 1808. She was fifteen at the time. In 1817 Jonathan’s original grant, Portion 129, was passed over to Warby and Jonathan rented a few acres nearby. Twice in the next few years we find Jonathan appealing to the Governor for help. These petitions or memorials were signed by Jonathan, indicating some formal education. Most convicts and emancipist signed with a cross. The first petition was to Governor Macquarie, in which he stated he was renting twelve acres and requested another grant. In the records of the Liverpool Muster of 1822 Jonathan is shown as a land holder with nineteen acres cleared, ten acres of wheat, and half an acre of garden and orchard, five hogs and twelve bushels of maize in hand, together with four bushels of wheat. The following year on 12.11.1823 a serious bush fire caused great damage. The dwelling, crops, garden and all tools were lost. Jonathan was a carpenter by trade, and the loss of his tools was serious. The family was destitute and memorial of 20.12.1823 tells the story: 20th December, 1823 His Excellency Sir Thomas Brisbane K.C.B., Major General, Governor in Chief of New South Wales. The memorial of Jonathan Brooker, free by servitude who arrived in this colony per ship Atlantic in the year 1791 most respectfully setteth forth: That your memorialist (a joiner by trade) has a wife and seven children, five of whom are now residing with the memorialist and one only capable of labour and that he resides on a 20 acre farm in the district of Airds. That on the 12th November, his working tools, 18 acres of wheat and his home were destroyed by fire which has communicated the memorialist’s premises from the flames of the surrounding bush in absence of himself and family, by which accident memorialist and family are actually destitute of a habitation and deprived of every means of support. That the memorialist is 60 years of age and most humbly implores the charitable aid of Your Excellency in his afflicting case. And your Excellency memorialist as in duty and gratitation bound will ever pray. Signed by Jonathan Brooker A further note was appended by Rev. Thomas Reddell which reads; I do certify to the correctness of Petitioner’s Statement, and he having arrived at that period of life when physical powers of man are rapidly on the decline I must respectfully and indeed earnestly recommend him to Your Excellency consideration. Thomas Reddell K.P. Meanwhile the Illawarra forest with their cedar trees were being plundered by cedar getters. Being a carpenter, cedar would have had a special appeal for Jonathan. If cedar was taken from Government land a tax was charged, but from privately owned land there was no tax. It was not long before Jonathan Brooker had a grant of land in the Corrimal area of the Illawarra, as also did his sons and sons-in-law. In the 1825 Muster Jonathan was still a landholder at Airds, and living with him were Mary, his wife, and their four children, John, Mary and James and Edward Harrigan, aged 25 and recorded as Edward Brooker. Jonathan died on 14th March, 1833, and was buried in the grave yard behind St. Peter’s Church, Campbelltown, I found this burial at Campbelltown, although appropriate for a pioneer of the district, hard to understand, considering the difficulty that would be encountered transporting a body so far, until I read a report by Surveyor Jacques to the Surveyor General, written in December, 1831. He commented on the need for consecrated ground in the Illawarra, as the expenses involved in taking the dead to Campbelltown, the nearest consecrated place of burial, was beyond the means of most settlers. The distance was over thirty miles, and the journey involved the climbing of a mountain. As the register at St. Peter’s gives the date of death as 14.3.1833, and the burial date is 16.3.1833, it may be that Jonathan was in the area of Campbelltown when he died. As a carpenter he may have worked in the area from time to time. The 1828 Census gives his age as 68, so in 1833 he would have been 73 years old, quite a good age for a man of that era, and one who had suffered much hardship in his life, but one who had established a family in a new land against such odds. Mary Wade, now always known as Mary Brooker, continued to live on the Illawarra for a further quarter of a century, till her death 17.12.1859. Mary’s son Edward Harrigan had received a grant on the Illawarra at Fairy Meadow, and in 1857 he was instrumental in getting a church there. He made land available for the building, and later guaranteed the debt incurred in its construction. Parish records show that the first funeral service held in St. Paul’s Church of England at Fairy Meadow was Edward Harrigan’s mother, Mary Ann Brooker. Mary was buried in the old C. of E. cemetery at Wollongong. As Wollongong grew, this old cemetery became an eyesore. A special Parliamentary Act, 1940 (assented November 7th) cited Wollongong City Council as Trustees, and authorised the council to do such things as were necessary to convert the Cemetery to a Rest Park. Careful records were made of names and relevant information. Tombstones were then laid flat on their respective graves, and covered with several inches of soil. Lawn was laid over the area and some roses were planted. Surrounded by a low stone wall, the area has an Entrance Porch with a plaque reading: City of Wollongong Erected to the Memory of Pioneers of this District Who Here Lie at Rest. You cannot see Mary’s tombstone or her grave, but you can visit the Pioneer’s Rest Park and pay your tribute to a great survivor. After her death, 17.12.1859, the Illawarra Mercury, in an obituary, saluted her as the founding mother of the largest family in Australia. At the time of her death she had over 300 living descendants. Today she has thousands. Her death certificate is useless as a document for family history purposes. She was in the eighties when she died, with seven of her children still living. She was reputed to have had twenty-one children according to the certificate. The information regarding her death was supplied by the Coroner, and is scant. The certificate also states that she was married twice on Norfolk Island, first to Harrigan and then to Brooker. This is extremely unlikely to be true, and if it is true, both men were still alive in 1819, and no mention of divorce is made. No record of a marriage to either of these men has been located. Mary lived in difficult times, but such was her character, she survived the horror of a death sentence, separation from her family at the age of eleven, transportation across the seas for life, a baby on Norfolk Island before she was sixteen, life in a tent back in Sydney, the horrors of major floods on the Hawkesbury, and pioneering hardships at Airds until finally coming to rest on the Illawarra. I think all her descendants can be proud of her. How many of us, in our so called developed society, would survive her troubles and live on into our eighties? Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Mary Wade to us : a family history, 1778-1986. Mary Wade History Association, Cromer, N.S.W, 1986. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Transportation and the early years in NSW Subject The topic of the resource Convict life Description An account of the resource An examination of the conditions faced by convicts, and many details regarding the process of transportation. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Mary Wade History Association Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Mary Wade to us : a family history, 1778-1986. Mary Wade History Association, Cromer, N.S.W, 1986. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986